I’m going to indulge one of my rare moments of willful stupidty and
jump headlong into the nationalized healthcare debate, with a little
help from Malcolm Gladwell (author of Blink and The Tipping Point).
It’s Gladwell’s argument that universal or nationalized healthcare in
the U.S. has had two major onstacles which it has yet to overcome.
The first obstacle is historical inertia. In the US, health coverage
was brought about by virtue of labor union demand. As such, the
legacy of health coverage in America has been conceptually bound at the
employer level, and we’ve simply never had good reason to break away,
despite horrific inefficiencies in the system.
The second obstacle is the spurious “moral hazard” argument, which
suggests that subsidizing healthcare makes consumers more likely to use
healthcare, which
in turn drives up cost. This is the thinking behind copays and
deductibles: not to force consumers to bear additional costs
burdens–the fees are often too low and infrequent to justify more than
the administrative costs of enforcing them–but simply to place some
psychologically emphatic surcharge on the consumption of medical
services, so that consumers won’t equate “no immediate cost to me” with
“free” medical services, thereby overindulging the system.
The first reason is understandable, if not defensible; change is hard
and longstanding tradition requires great effort to overcome, no matter
how stupid the old methods may be (see: U.S. adoption of the metric system). As to the second reason, I’ll defer to Gladwell’s own words for rebuttal:
“The moral-hazard argument makes sense, however, only if we consume
health care in the same way that we consume other consumer goods, and
to economists…this assumption is plainly absurd. We go to
the doctor grudgingly, only because we’re sick. … For that matter, when you have to pay for your
own health care, does your consumption really become more efficient? In
the late nineteen-seventies, the rand
Corporation did an extensive study on the question, randomly assigning
families to health plans with co-payment levels at zero per cent,
twenty-five per cent, fifty per cent, or ninety-five per cent, up to
six thousand dollars. As you might expect, the more that people were
asked to chip in for their health care the less care they used. The
problem was that they cut back equally on both frivolous care and
useful care. … [H]ow should the average consumer be
expected to know beforehand what care is frivolous and what care is
useful? … The focus on moral hazard suggests that the
changes we make in our behavior when we have insurance are nearly
always wasteful. Yet, when it comes to health care, many of the things
we do only because we have insurance–like getting our moles checked,
or getting our teeth cleaned regularly, or getting a mammogram or
engaging in other routine preventive care–are anything but wasteful
and inefficient. In fact, they are behaviors that could end up saving
the health-care system a good deal of money.”
The whole debate comes down to a simply either-or choice: so-called
“social” insurance versus “actuarial” insurance. Social insurance is
about redistribution of risk, so that the young and healthy subsidize
the old and sick, creating relative cost certainty. Nobody goes
bankrupt by a huge, unexpected medical expense. Detractors might term
this socialist insurance because of its redistributive
nature. Actuarial insurance adjusts costs based on the risk represented
by the insured. The young and healthy pay less than the old and sick,
so that those who most need the system pay the most for using it. On
the surface, this is appealing–as a non-smoking, non-drinking
20-something who works out twice a week, I don’t like the idea of
subsidizing lazy, overeating chainsmokers who all but willfully give
themselves diabetes and lung cancer–but the problem with actuarial
insurance is that it denies coverage to those who most need it: the
sick and the poor. That’s precisely contrary to the whole point of
insurance–to provide assistance so that medical care doesn’t become
prohibitively expense, especially where preventive care is concerned.
Social insurance means more people staying healthy, and more people
going to work. Decoupling insurance from employers means that the
unemployed can be insured, increasing their ability to become employed,
meaning more people going to work. It’s not perfect, or even fair, but
its effective, and that’s the whole point of insurance anyway.
Let the debate begin!