Which many do, his earlier essays and broadsides are to what I was referring. He was, in his teens, a very angry young fella, convinced of the sickness of his society and frustrated at being able to do nothing about it. In a long series of savage essays he dissected the Gilded Age version of Capitalism (that of the 1880s and 1890s) and Monarchism and got even angrier, and said - as do you - that this damned thing can't be saved short of revolution.
His early work was not about state scocialism, per se. It was focused on understanding the beast - not just the russian beast, but the capitalist/monarchist beast (they weren't as inclined to separate the two back in the day). And we all know that at certain times, in certain places, it is a BEAST. I have a lot of sympahty for the early Lenin.
Lenin WAS deeply involved in free market politics as a way of opposing the entrenched Russian regime. His twist was that powerless individuals band together in production related groups to have more bargaining power - communes was the shorthand he used. They were called unions over here.
THAT is the Lenin with whom I was comparing you, and I think it appropriate and to the point.
I also think it's flattering.
It wasn't meant in the least as a personal attack; I think if you'd known him then, you woud have liked him. Or at least sympathized with him. He was a brave and angry young man who in the end didn't turn out too well.
If you took the comparison as a personal attack I apologize - it wasn't meant so. But now that's cleared up, perhaps you'd care to make a suggestion?
I agree with you that the patent system has to go - or at least, that it can't be sensibly applied to software. Perhaps this is more of the "spurious nonsense"?
There are four groups I've identified as having a legitimate place at the patent table - pioneers, discoverers, financiers of discoverers, users of discoveries. We need to design a human system that will respect the needs of these four groups and achieve the following:
1) Encourage creative exploration of a technological space;
2) Offer temporary protection for those who have taken risks in order to innovate;
3) Offer longer term non-exclusive rights to those who take the risk of investing in innovation, and;
4) Offer support services to new innovators who wish to expand on the utility of existing art, without artificial legal roadblocks.
So how do we balance their needs and bring a workable compromise out of the mess that is now known as the PTO?
Perhaps in this way we can dispense with the semi-coherent fulminations about Pol Pot?