The war on terrorism - in a nutshell
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For the past thirty years, every nation on the face of the Earth, including the United States -- and including the impotent and corrupt United Nations -- has been either facilitating, tolerating, or simply turning a blind eye to the modern threat of world-wide terrorism which has been perpetrated, for the most part, by militant Islamic extremists. The numerous bombings in cafes, discotheques and airports throughout Europe, Asia and Africa; the hijacking of commercial airliners and the murder of the flight crews and passengers; the destruction of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland; the bombing of the World Trade Center in 1993 (which was actually intended to topple the twin towers amid a cloud of cyanide gas intending to kill tens of thousands of innocent civilians); the 1996 bombing of the Khobar Tower apartment buildings in Saudi Arabia; the coordinated attack on two US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998; and the attack on the USS Cole in 2000 are all but a few of the heinous acts perpetrated by the evil-does we call terrorists.
On September 11, 2001, the United States of America became the new "ground-zero" for defining the destructive and murderous intentions of these militant Islamic extremists. The time to turn a blind-eye suddenly became the time to see the dangerous extent of the real threat; the time to tolerate terrorism as a nuisance has given way to the necessity, for the first time, to go on the offensive against terrorism -- wherever it may reside, and wherever it may breed; and the time to ignore the nations facilitating the existence and growth of terrorism became a status quo that could no longer be tolerated. The world suddenly changed on that date -- a date that would become synonymous with terror, 9-11. And the United States of America, rightly or wrongly, and for better or for worse, suddenly became the leader in combating it.
Combating terrorism is, perhaps, the most difficult and challenging task ever attempted by the United States. Terrorism knows no borders, as it's spread throughout the world into many nations -- including our own. It doesn't require a huge standing army, one that could be easily identified and defeated, to inflict its murderous intentions. And it nips at the heels of the very thing Americans hold most precious, our liberty and freedom. You might suggest that since they are relatively small in number and resources, that these terrorists don't have the capacity to take away our liberty and freedom. But indeed they do -- and indeed they have. We've already given up some of those freedoms by implementing various steps to stop them from killing again; and even that may not be enough. But how much is enough, and how much is too much? We've actually come to question where our freedoms must stop in order to ensure our security. So make no mistake about it, their threat is very real; and their advance must not only be stopped, but also be put into retreat.
In the days immediately following 9-11, the most obvious place to start the long quest in the battle against world-wide terrorism was in Afghanistan. And although the United States certainly had some culpability in creating the environment that existed in that nation, we could no longer allow it to continue to thrive. Afghanistan became a sanctuary, a place for the terrorists to seek a safe-haven, so that effort became priority number one; it became step one. Yes, Osama bin Laden was the leader of this particular pack of thugs, but to overlook the breadth of the problem for the sole purpose of focusing on a sole individual would have been irresponsible. The problem of world-wide terrorism was, and still is, bigger than just Afghanistan; and it's certainly bigger than just Osama bin Laden.
Fighting the political war against terrorism has, perhaps, proven to be the most difficult aspect of it. Terrorism has incubated under the regimes of oppressive dictators, and it's done so in a region of the world that's vital to maintaining a strong and viable world-wide economy. Tracking down the terrorists themselves was only one aspect of the battle, as tracking down the source of their support and funding was of paramount importance as well. I read a report recently that suggested much of the funding for terrorism flowed through Syria and Saudi Arabia, and that in the weeks after 9-11 the Syrians and the Saudis were unwilling to cooperate in cutting it off. Assuming that the report is true, at least to some degree, should we have therefore invaded Saudi Arabia and/or Syria as well? Should we have cut off relations with the Saudi sheiks? And what about Iran, and Libya -- and Iraq? If we work from the premise that terrorism has been bred and nurtured under the regimes of oppressive dictators, whether those dictators be secular or religious, and such as in the nations I mentioned, then we can see the scale of the problem -- and, perhaps, what's necessary to combat it. If terrorism does not breed in lands that enjoy the freedom of liberty and democracy, then transforming such oppressive nations becomes the obvious, albeit very difficult, solution.
I believe the invasion of Iraq was step two in the overall war against world-wide terrorism; and I believe this for many reasons. First and foremost is, of course, the weapons of mass destruction assumption. While it's true that "stockpiles" of these weapons have yet to be found (at least not that's been made public), it has not been proven that they never existed. To the contrary, we do indeed know that they did exist at one time, and according to the United Nations resolutions following the cease-fire of the gulf war (following Iraq's removal from Kuwait), Iraq was responsible for proving the destruction of such weapons. Iraq could provide no such proof, and literally every nation in the world believed in their existence. Were we fooled or are those weapons yet to be found? Personally, I believe it may be a little of both. But regardless, the United States was certainly justified in calling off the cease-fire, so to speak, since Saddam Hussein failed to comply with the agreements of that cease-fire. And if it was a mistake to let Saddam Hussein remain in power in 1991, as is often asserted, then why was it a mistake to remove him from power after he continued to snub the United Nations and the stipulations of the cease-fire a full twelve years later? The answer is, it was not a mistake. Especially if every aspect of the issues are taken into consideration.
In the larger scheme of things, I don't think that's (the WMD issue) the only thing that matters. Transforming those oppressive nations into ones of freedom and democracy is crucial in our overall efforts to combat the growth of world-wide terrorism. And while the threat of those WMDs was a major "public" reason for the invasion of Iraq, I personally don't believe it was the only reason. What better way to get Syria and Saudi Arabia to capitulate to "the cause" than for them to see several U.S. armored divisions at their doorsteps? After all, Libya certainly recognized what was probably the inevitable, and they "surrendered" without a shot being fired. And I don't think it was a coincidence that Saudi Arabia started to "cooperate" in blocking funding to terrorist causes only after the U.S. led invasion of Iraq. Moreover, what better way to entice other nations to seek the economic freedoms that can be provided only by democratic societies, than to plant the seeds of democracy in their very own backyard? The theory that democracy will spread its fruits and benefits once it's allowed to grow and thrive certainly has a lot of merit. And if some semblance of democracy can take-hold in Iraq, it might become inevitable in Iran and in other neighboring nations. The area may not be transformed into the next Japan, but if whatever might take-hold in the region helps in putting an end to the environments that breed terrorism, then that just might be enough.
We've all heard the saying that Rome wasn't built in a day; and this effort is tantamount to building another "Rome". We've all heard that a journey of 10,000 miles begins with a single step; and this is only one such step in a very long journey. Recognizing that the threat has been growing and spreading over the past several decades, we must also realize that to successfully eradicate the problem it will take several decades to come. And we must realize that we can no longer wait for the terrorists to come to us, but we now must go on the offensive to track them down wherever they may be, whatever it might take, and regardless of how long it takes.
In the immortal words of President John F. Kennedy, we must....."Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.....and in the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility - I welcome it."
Those words were spoken by President Kennedy at a different time and about a different threat, to be sure, but they are, perhaps, more applicable today than ever before. And just as President Kennedy "welcomed" the challenge to defend freedom and liberty, President Bush -- and his supporters, including myself -- welcome it as well. We not only welcome it, but we embrace it. After all, the alternative is not an option.
This is just the opinion of one man.
- Maxwell Edison
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Notes - in order of pertinence
1. "Modern" terrorism is as described, but to be differentiated from many other forms of "terrorism" over the ages.
2. Israel is the sole exception, as it had been, before 9-11, the only nation to have really taken the "offensive" against terrorism.
3. President Bush (or any American president, for that matter) would never call the United Nations "impotent and corrupt"; he's too much of a diplomat. Those are my personal observations.
4. My list of terrorist acts actually pales in comparison to a more detailed list:
http://www.crimsonbird.com/terrorism/timeline.htm
5. For geopolitical reasons, the current American administration (or any American administration) may not be able to reveal ALL of their reasons and motives for such policy decisions. In my opinion, this is not only understandable, but is to be expected. In the exercise of voicing my observations and opinions, I'm not bound by such restraints. In other words, they may "think" something, but they can't really say it. The "real" story is, perhaps, more suitable for history books, not necessarily the newspapers.